Why did gender inequalities persist in the Soviet Union despite the emancipatory ideology?

Socio-cultural Issues of Migration and Demography

УДК (UDC) 316.346.2-055.2

Valentina Pentorets, Translator, Social Scientist Researcher, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, Scotland, UK

WHY DID GENDER INEQUALITIES PERSIST IN THE SOVIET UNION DESPITE THE EMANCIPATORY IDEOLOGY?

ПОЧЕМУ ГЕНДЕРНОЕ НЕРАВЕНСТВО ПРИСУТСТВОВАЛО, НЕСМОТРЯ

НА ИДЕОЛОГИЮ ЭМАНСИПАЦИИ СОВЕТСКОЙ СИСТЕМЫ?

Abstract

The present work aims to analyse the main features of gender policy in Soviet Union, state regulation of family, interpretation of female and male roles in Soviet ideology, changes of gender order at different stages of socialism building and the extent of assimilation of the new experience by the society.

Far reaching plans of women emancipation and achievement of equal rights of both genders were important directives in socialism building after October Revolution - the initial point of history in formation of the Soviet social order. Contemporary criticism of the socialist system evaluates the process of women&s emancipation as a Soviet mythology. This evaluation is partly true. Even less veritable facts can be found in various Soviet works and literature describing the success ofpragmatic socialism in the sphere of women emancipation, which were published up to the 1990s& and were perfectly burnished with newspeak (Новояз) - the language of official ideology. The real position of women in Soviet Union was, however, more complicated and controversial.

All these issues will contribute to defining the main problematic of this work: why did gender inequalities persist in the Soviet Union despite the emancipatory ideology? This will be a significant contribution to the understanding of the topic and point the way to further research on gender issues.

Methodology

This current work is a theoretical and constructive overview of the important literature related to our subject demonstrating expertise, intelligence and familiarity with the subject. The topic is placed in the context of existing literature and original researches in order to interpret the major issues surrounding it.

A significant source of primary data is an analytical review of the original USSR Constitutions. The most remarkable stages of development of Soviet constitutional ideas regarding gender policy, Constitutions of 1918, 1936 and 1977, were used to understand how the theoretical, constitutional and governmental vision on genders in Soviet Union was implemented in practice during the course of Soviet history. This approach gave us the opportunity to understand the insights and the rise of gender issues in the early post-revolutionary period, pre-and post-war period, and late Soviet period.

At the present time, after careful consideration of the facts and abovementioned legal documents, new ways were identified to interpret and shed light on the gaps, conflicts and contradictions with regards to the main problematic of the work related to the gender, emancipation and Soviet ideology, and how these three aspects coexisted. It is important to underline that this work is not a comprehensive study of gender policy in Soviet Union, but an attempt to analyse the insights of gender issues in the particular social, political and periodical environment.

Introduction

Communists were a unique leadership that created their own order and even their own world: deforming basic human relations, and gender behaviour along with its conceptions and symbols. By decrees in 1917 they granted equal rights to women, making them equal with men in the eye of the law. In their opinion, it was sufficient for providing pragmatic equality of women in the society or almost enough. The ideology of proletarian female movements led by A. Kollontay, N. Krupskaja, K. Samoylova, and I. Armand aimed to realize another revolution — to change the lifestyle of humans, disclaiming private life and its main niche — the family, as a source of social inequality and enslavement of the woman (Pushkareva 2003, p. 444).

Main directives of the Soviet gender policy from 1917 up to 1991 were the equalization of both genders, broad involvement of both genders in labour and state affairs, family policy including women emancipation within family, communization of family life and child upbringing, women enlightenment and communist education. Analysing the policies of resolving of women question we should consider both aspects — the ideological and the practical. Ideological aspect of self-realization of women was always accompanied by its adaptation to Soviet reality, sometimes successful and sometimes not.

From theory to Soviet reality

Since 1917 a new Soviet order can be characterized as et-a-cratic, as it was primarily defined by the state policy and ideology which ascribed features and duties to the citizens evaluating their

potentials, abilities and limitations. Gender policy was not an exception (Pushkareva 2003, p. 436). Strict control of gender function, co-existence and relations between two genders, became state matter and political priority already in early post-revolutionary years. Creation of new Soviet man and new Soviet woman along with establishment of new kind of relations between genders assumed acceptance of new Soviet ideology by all citizens regardless the gender. The status of women under socialism, as a previously specific oppressed social group, became a challenge for the newly created Soviet state. The issue of woman activity and personality assumed more interest than male ones. Thus, Soviet gender policy was mainly addressed to female populations and was formulated as the «woman question».

In these terms the state should be examined as an institution of regulation and control of the gender policy within the whole mechanism of socialist building, while the Soviet Constitution should be considered as the basic legislative source of shaping and manipulating this process. The state made gender an issue on the constitutional level. It created an ideological apparatus of compulsion and control of gender relations and activity.

Focus on Soviet documents — particularly the USSR Constitution as a source of basic civil rights and duties of Soviet ideology — will help us to understand better the implementation and consequences of gender policy on the society, its advantages and contradictions. The Party undertook the responsibility to increase women&s capability and to involve them in those spheres of production where they had previously insufficiently participated. According to Marxist theory women emancipation and self-identification could be achieved only by participating in public productive labour (Zhurzhenko 2001, p. 77). From 1917 onward women had access to all spheres of qualifications and education. Along with equalization of men and women in labour, gender policy also provided equality of genders in the family sphere. The Decree (20 January, 1918) on the Freedom of Conscience, Church and Religious Organisations, stated the separation of church from the state. Henceforth issues like marriage, divorce and abortions were considered civil matters and were managed by the state (Husband W.B. 2000, p.47). The family freed from religious and class prejudices was considered as a mutual unification of two equal persons.

Despite the contradictions of Soviet history, it&s impossible not to mention the importance and advantages of October Revolution which brought to the surface the gender issue. Furthermore, it raised on the political, state and constitutional level the issue of gender equalization. The most remarkable stages of development of Soviet constitutional ideas regarding gender policy were the Constitutions of 1918, 1936 and 1977.

An attitude of successful equalization of both genders and absence of discrimination was, nonetheless, an illusion of Soviet consciousness. Considering Soviet reality, factual recognition of the genders never solved the gender issue on the social and private level. The totalitarian regime, where personal freedom and individualism were opposed, was not able to provide equality simply by legislative approach. Historical experience proved that mere liquidation of priorities in favour of men and emancipation of women in socialist style never solved the problem. Women liberation from legal dependence from men never led to equality. While the Party realized the impossibility of equalization of both genders in practice because of historical, physical, biological circumstances

and felt obliged to undertake a patriarchal, patronage role toward women. This determined the main feature of Soviet gender policy. The system of sexism was turned inside out, where state and Party declared emancipation, but in practice always retained a patriarchal position and made a distinction in social functions of women and men. Women were, however, used to solve economic, labour force, demographic and other problems at different stages of Soviet history.

The constitutional principle of gender equality proclaimed in 1918 was the pioneer axiom in Russian history and first step in women emancipation. Already in the early Soviet years, the Constitution guaranteed both genders equal participation in two main spheres of the new political order — equal participation in labour and equal opportunities in elections to Party bodies. The constitutional concept of proletarian idea of 1918 defined the equality of genders primarily by equal participation in collective labour. At this stage of the Constitution there was no reference to distinguishing the genders. Furthermore, general terms «worker» or «citizen» made obvious the primary mission of Soviet people: « (f) Universal obligation to work is introducedfor the purpose of eliminating the parasitic strata of society and organizing the economic life of the country.» (USSR Constitution 1918, Art. 3) Considering these constitutional formulations without gender reference one can conclude that state priorities in labour aimed to depersonalize all citizens — either men or women. Furthermore, the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic considered work the duty of every citizen of the Republic, and proclaimed as its motto: «One shall not eat who does not work» (USSR Constitution 1918, Art. 18).

Women were gifted the right to vote and to be elected according to the principle of involvement in productive labour for the society. Women engaged in housekeeping could by contributing to the productivity of working individuals: «The right to vote and to be elected to the Soviets is enjoyed by the following citizens of both sexes, irrespective of religion, nationality, domicile, etc., of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic, who shall have completed their eighteenth year by the day of election: (a) All who have acquired the means of livelihood through labor that is productive and useful to society, and also persons engaged in housekeeping which enables the former to do productive work, i.e., laborers and employees of all classes who are employed in industry, trade, agriculture, etc., and peasants and Cossack agricultural laborers who employ no help for the purpose of making profits.» (USSR Constitution 1918, Art. 64)

Constitutionally both rights - to work and to vote or be elected - were connected. Political rights were attached to labour. That meant that both representatives of proletarian genders were obliged to work and only by these means would they be treated as subjects of political relations. Both genders were mobilized to participate in state affairs through equal labour subjugation to «the state of workers and peasants».

The concept of liberation or emancipation in the Constitution of 1918 was codified as the abolition of the exploitation of men by men, the entire abolition of the division of the people into classes, the suppression of exploiters, the establishment of a socialist society, and the victory of socialism in all lands. But it never described co-existence and the relationship between men and women, or the status of each gender in the society (USSR Constitution 1918, Art. 3). Substantially, this Constitution was an ideological manifesto of the struggle against exploiters& labour, both male

or female, and emancipation of both genders from human enslavement and subordination. Implementation of human rights was strictly controlled by the state and coincided with the state needs. In the early Soviet years, the real equality of women was defined by equal opportunity of participation in industrialization, collectivization and other aspects of socialist building. Women as a politically and socially backward group were main objects which had to be mobilized in favour of the new proletarian state with ideological stress that labour was the only opportunity to complete emancipation.

Thereafter, in different stages of Soviet history, specific matters regarding female participation in state and social issues, maternity and child protection, labour activity of women, their educational and qualification level, were primarily state concerns. The resolution of these matters was achieved in terms of more global issues like industrialization, collectivization, liquidation of illiteracy and unemployment, development of national economy and communism building. The woman question had already been solved in the early Soviet years according to the Communist Party and the majority of the population.

The Constitution of 1936 consolidated the equality of Soviet citizens primarily on race and nationality basis (as we can see in Art. 123), which was the basic principle of proletarian ideology: «Equality of rights of citizens of the U.S.S.R., irrespective of their nationality or race, in all spheres of economic, state, cultural, social and political life, is an indefeasible law. Any direct or indirect restriction of the rights of, or, conversely, any establishment of direct or indirect privileges for, citizens on account of their race or nationality, as well as any advocacy of racial or national exclusiveness or hatred and contempt, is punishable by law.» (USSR Constitution, 1936, Art.123)

This Constitution for the first time focused on gender: «Women in the U.S.S.R. are accorded equal rights with men in all spheres of economic, state, cultural, social and political life. The possibility of exercising these rights is ensured to women by granting them an equal right with men to work, payment for work, rest and leisure, social insurance and education, and by state protection of the interests of mother and child, pre maternity and maternity leave with full pay, and the provision of a wide network of maternity homes, nurseries and kindergartens.» (USSR Constitution, 1936, Art.122)

Emphasis on women voting was also made in this Constitution: «Women have the right to elect and be elected on equal terms with men.» (USSR Constitution, 1936, Art.137)

Women participation in political life and labour sought to demonstrate the culmination of ideological victory of the Soviet state and Communist Party. Woman-worker, as man-worker, would reflect the revolutionary idea of workers and peasants state.

Nevertheless, proclaiming in the Constitution of the equality of rights again did not mean automatically their implementation in life. Of course, the illusion of equality culmination should have reflected the progress of socialist building. The Constitution of 1936 continued to support the slogan «One shall not eat who does not work», but made some exceptions in gender treatment. The normative function of this slogan made direct reference to male populations. According to Soviet values, women were not only workers, but also mothers. Officially, maternity released

women from labour duty, but at the same time it gave them the opportunity to retain equal rights with men. This exception was exclusively a woman&s prerogative. The role of the father never released men from labour duty. The role of men in course of Soviet history was purely to be a loyal toiler and worker. Despite the proclaimed gender equality, the role of father constitutionally did not envisage equality as in case of motherhood. Furthermore, it was not foreseen by Soviet ideology at all. The Soviet Constitution of 1936 did not stipulate the status of father;on the contrary it provided protection of mothers and children (USSR Constitution, 1936, Art.122). Despite a radical reorganization of the Soviet state on legal and social level, the roots of the traditional family, where man is a breadwinner and woman is a mother, were extremely deep. This model was also consolidated in the legislation. The state did not provide fatherhood with such support and protection, and, in general, poorly described the role of father. This asymmetric formulation of parental status reflected a social inequality between mothers and fathers. If women had a chance to choose between labour and motherhood for certain period, or combine both, at least according to Constitution, men did not have that choice. Proclaiming motherhood as a greatest duty to the state and society, creating of system for support of maternity and child protection, honouring the «mother-heroine» and the absence of a title «father-hero», and other ways of honouring women, made obvious a stable and systematic alienation of men from family and child upbringing, giving political and ideological meaning to the reproductive role of women.

Socialism did, however, propose woman emancipation in the context of socialist doctrine — a doctrine of obedience, which contributed to a double burden of women. Woman had dual role in Soviet society, unlike man. Her duty to State was to be a mother — a working mother. This dual role was a duty and matter of honour. Combining these two functions and undertaking of the role of working mother was promoted by press and ideology, confirmed by official documents and guaranteed by state apparatus, which assured the combination of work and maternity (Pushkareva 2003, p. 458). It was a well-planned compulsory gender policy. The working father was not a figure in the social relationships. This role was not introduced to society and never had an official status. It acquired status only in 1990s& when gender policy was assumed under new social and political circumstances.

If constitutionally women were granted an equal right with men to work and payment for work (Constitution 1936, Art. 122), on the social level the situation was more controversial. Stalin claimed in 18th Party Congress: «...in every branch of the economy, culture science and the arts -everywhere stands an emancipated woman alongside man, equal with him, performing great tasks, moving socialism forward, Women in our country have become a great force» (Buckley 1992, p. 117). Since then almost 100% of women capable to work were involved in productive labour, but primarily with lower pay and positions compared to men. It was asserted that some jobs were suitable for men and others for women. Nevertheless, women had the chance to enjoy some mobility during the War, because of the absence of men from work positions; but after they had basically to return to the men the high status jobs (Buckley 1992, p. 117). This resulted in lower wages in branches where women were involved than those of male professions, and to general lower positions of women on the social ladder (Kurganov 1968, p. 50). Statistically there were more qualified and educated women than men, but their numbers were gradually reduced

according to the hierarchical scale of ranks in Party organs, state, social and economic institutions (Kurganov 1971, p. 39). Analysing statistics of 1960s& the total female population of USSR in 1966-67 was 54.2%, where female members of the Party were 20.9% from which only 2.8% were members of Central Committee. In the ruling levels of Politburo and Secretariat women did not participate at all (Kurganov 1971, p. 33-34). The overwhelming majority of women were in the lower group of Party hierarchy — Communist activists — simple tools and unquestioning soldiers of the Communist leadership (Kurgavov 1971, p. 34).

Although in the USSR there were 20.000.000 more women than men, they did not occupy the same professional positions despite their educational qualification and capacity for work. Even in the cultural sphere women constituted 49.5% among junior scientists and assistants, but of professors only 8.8% (Kurganov 1971, p. 40). Analyzing all spheres of Soviet economy one can say: the higher the position, the fewer women. Especially significant are the indicators in light industry, where workers were primarily women, but managerial positions were occupied by men. For instance, in textile production up to 99% of workers were women (Kurganov 1971, p. 41).

The magazine Party Life (Partiinaia zhizn&, Moscow 1965) wrote: «Over the past few years the percentage of women in executive positions in the national economy has in effect not changed, and in some areas it has even diminished... Even in the textile, clothing, and food industry, where female labour predominates, leadership positions are, as a rule occupied by men» (Kurganov 1971, p. 42). The average rates of working women in Soviet Union were higher compared to many countries. It reached 49% of total labour force of the country. Half of national economy was supported by women labour (Kurganov 1968, p. 59).

Women participation in the national economy and in all industrial branches was considered voluntary. But according to Constitution and Soviet ideology it was well planned compulsory labour. After the War a visible disproportion of gender populations made even more obvious a need for the women labour force. For instance, as far as agriculture is concerned, Stalin said: «The women of the collective farms are a great force. To keep this force hidden under a bushel would be a crime. Our obligation is to promote women on the collective farms and to put this force to use» (Kurganov 1971, p. 55). It was put in use, but not only in agriculture, but also in industries, heavy or light, railways, timber industry, metallurgy, transport etc., sometimes as the determinant labour factor. The early attitude of participation of Soviet women in labour as a historical joy, inspiration and happiness turned to mass hard work, sometimes harmful for women&s health and dulling of prime female activity within family. Soviet authors wrote: «by equalization of woman with man, it is often forgotten that she is a woman, her natural specificity of female organism, the fact of maternity is not considered... up till now woman is still in hard labour» (Kurganov 1968, p.103).

Revolutionary slogans for emancipation of women from traditional family enslavement were a main directive of gender policy. Even after 50 years, women continued to fulfil family duties as in the beginning of the century. Women had a double burden of duties - toward family and toward state. Women-housewives became objects of social criticism and scorn. A woman also had a role of public person and activist dynamically engaged with social life. «Citizen-mother-worker» was the achievement of socialism. The woman was proclaimed a bearer of three titles. In terms of

socialist ideology, she was limited in her choice what role she preferred, because simply she had to combine all of them. The role of a man was not so obvious, because there was no need for that — he was sharing those roles.

Along with their engagement in housekeeping and upbringing the next generations, women participated in the national economy labour (Zhurzhenko 2001, p. 93). According to records of 1959 the total number of women of work age was 57.400.000, from them 56.800.000 had their own earnings. Thus, almost all female population of Soviet Union was involved in productive labour. It also meant that compared to men they had double work shift. The unequal distribution of family duties had an impact on cultural leisure, on the improvement of educational level of women and their advancement in social ladder (Pushkareva 2003, p. 459). Already in 1923 Trotsky had written: «Establishment ofpolitical equality is an easy task. Establishment of equality in the working place is a slightly more difficult task. But establishment of real equality between man and woman in family is an immeasurably difficult task». But even after so many years, Soviet woman still worked more than men, more than women in West and more than she had worked in the beginning of the century (Kurganov 1968, p. 153).

In the Constitution of 1977 greater emphasis on the woman question appeared: «Women and men have equal rights in the USSR. Exercise of these rights is ensured by according women equal access with men to education and vocational and professional training, equal opportunities in employment, remuneration, and promotion, and in social and political, and cultural activity, and by special labour and health protection measures for women; by providing conditions enabling mothers to work; by legal protection, and material and moral support for mothers and children, including paid leaves and other benefits for expectant mothers and mothers, and gradual reduction of working time for mothers with small children.» (USSR Constitution, 1977, Art.35)

If in the 1936 edition the accent was that women in the USSR are accorded equal rights with men, the new edition stated that women and men have equal rights in the USSR. Analyzing Soviet Constitutions one can say that man was a certain standard of utilization of rights. A model that woman had to reach by all costs over the course of Soviet history. In the Constitution of 1977 there is finally a clear statement that women and men have equal rights. But it retained the specific position of woman as a mother and all social «privileges» offered her by the state in support of maternity.

The State and Communist Party undertook the responsibility of guardianship and patriarchal role regarding family and consolidated economic dependence of all family members on one absolute patron and employer — the State. Soviet family adopted a kind of egalitarian form, where both genders had a chance to self-realization and private earnings, but at the same time were economically attached to the State. Woman escaped from direct dependence on man and the latter lost traditional patronage role in the family. At the same time both genders were subjugated to the state: «The family enjoys the protection of the State. Marriage is based on the free consent of the woman and the man; the spouses are completely equal in their family relations. The State helps the family by providing and developing a broad system of childcare institutions, by organising and improving communal services and public catering, by paying grants on the birth of a child, by

providing children&s allowances and benefits for large families, and other forms of family allowances and assistance.» (USSR Constitution, 1977, Art.53)

Conclusions

After decades of radical destructions and massive social experiments in the Soviet Union based on ideological innovations, we are given the opportunity to revise the history and to answer one of the most controversial questions of Soviet reality. To what extent did the Soviet state achieve its vision of gender equality and why did inequalities persist in Soviet system?

The conclusion is that the ideology of equalization during 1920s& and 1930s& provided a pure acceleration of industrialization and urbanization that aimed also to undermine the patriarchal family order. Nevertheless, the echo of the women question silently, but persistently resounded until the collapse of Soviet Union.

Emancipation of the women was not the prime prerogative of the Soviet gender policy, but rather restructuring the new gender system in which women would be torn from the classic notion of patriarchy and subjugated directly to the state. By modification of the strict legal and economic dependence on men, women were re-subjugated to state.

Analysis of the three roles of women helps us to understand the real policy of Soviet Union related to constitutional norms. They created suitable circumstances for incorporating mothers in production and combining both practices motherhood and labour. Ideology was combined with constitutional norms.

Mass involvement in labour led to reducing child birth. As a result in the 1970s& families had primarily no more than two children where both parents were involved in public production (Zhurzhenko 2001, p. 85). One can say that the women question in the USSR had an economic character. Female labour was a colossal source, tool, means for realization of economic development of the country. Leadership used the gender equality and ideology of biological female function according to the needs of the state and the political situation. Instead of supporting the traditional family, the Communist government proposed state patronage, financial, organizational and even moral support to women — primarily to working women. Soviet gender policy was primarily subordinated to ideology and economic needs (as was everything in the Soviet Union). Discourse of gender and discourse of communism building crossed multiple times in Soviet history. It might be more suitable to speak about emancipation or equality "Soviet style" - a style determined by socialist priorities, structures and limitations. Access of both genders to utilization of their social rights was determined by the State, which was the monopolistic employer and regulating institution according to demographic and economic conditions of the country. The vision of emancipation was never realized by means of the State and the women alliance of revolutionary ideas, but was exchanged for the establishment of gender co-existence under direct economic and ideological supervision of the state.

References:

Information about the author:

Valentina Pentorets (Glasgow, Scotland) - Translator, Social Scientist Researcher, MSc

in Russian, Central and East European Studies, University of Glasgow, Scotland, UK

Email: pentoretsv@gmail.com